Collector's Club Sets & Question about Chaplain Philip Huges 44th Foot (1 Viewer)

mk26gmls

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Hey guys,

What does everyone think of the CC sets so far from JJD? Any FIW collectors not buying at least one of each set? So far, I love the focus on the BOM range.

OK fellow FIW historians, I would like some help confirming a story from BOM. Below I have included an event that supposedly occurred during the battle. This is from the book Braddock at the Monongahela by Kopperman, pages 202 - 203. Outside of this book, can anyone link me or tell me of a source that confirms this event of the Chaplain recapturing the colors during the battle? I find the story very interesting.


Chaplain Philip Hughes of the 44th Regiment of Foot

(This “Extract of a letter from Fort Cumberland, dated July 23” appears in
the The Public Advertiser, October 31, 1755. I am using the reprint in
Davis’s “British Newspaper Accounts of Braddock’s Defeat.” The writer
does not identify himself, beyond the fact that he is a chaplain. Davis
notes that there were two chaplains on the expedition, Hughes of the 44th
and John Hamilton of the 48th. Further research shows that Hughes was
wounded in the battle. Hamilton is not listed among those who saw action,
and in fact he probably remained behind with Thomas Dunbar. It is with
considerable certainty, therefore, that I identify the author of the
following as Hughes.)

"I believe I am the first Chaplain who ever saved a Pair of Colours, which
I took within fifty Yards of the Cannon, when the Enemy were Masters of
them. The French and Indians crept about in small Parties so that the
Fire was quite around us, and in all the Time I never saw one, nor could I
on Enquiry find any one who saw ten together. The Loss killed and wounded
864. The French had 2,000 men, besides Indians, we had six Indians, and
they at least as many hundred, We marched near 400 Miles in three Months,
cut 350 thro’ Woods, for the last 200 saw no House but this dirty Fort.
Rum 20’s a Gallon, the worst brown sugar 4s 6d a Pound, a Year old Calf
sold to Sir Peter Halket and our Mess at 3.*.(* - a pound sign I assume.
It looks like a capital L in cursive) after the 25th of June a Dollar for
a Pint of Rum, so you may judge of our Distress. The whole Country is a
Wood."

Thank you,

Darrell
 
I don't collect BOM but I think the figures are nice.I ordered the first 2 and I'm leaning toward getting the 3rd.I particually like the indian and hope it's part of a vignette based on Griffing's painting of the wounding of Braddock.One thing I'm at odds with that they say you can preorder #3 from Jan.1st to Jan.31st.Since we didn't know about #3 until yesterday (Jan.12th)we should be able to order until Feb.12th.
Mark
 
It's the Preview that ends at the end of January, and we then have the month of Feb. to pre-order.
 
When I saw the new club figure I thought it was the more famous Thomas Dunbar. The fellow who burned all the British supplies and retreated all the way to Philadelphia after learning of Braddock's defeat. Leaving most of the settlers to the mercy or lack thereof of the Indians. What a character he must have been. But this is not him on more careful reading.
 
Page 1)...........Dunbar....Start here read backwards to preceeding pages...

Meantime, while Braddock was consuming forty-one days in marching from Fort Cumberland to the field of battle, his enemy, fully aware of his movements, had been reinforced and was eager to meet him, not doubting the result. French and Indian scouts met Braddock’s force east of Laurel Hill. They were there, not for the purpose of attacking openly, but to hover along the front and flanks, to spy out the movements of the English, to murder stragglers, and to keep the commandant at Fort Du Quesne informed from day to day of Braddock’s progress. And from the time the English troops crossed

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the Youghiogheny hostile Indians were always about them, and evidences of their presence multiplied with each succeeding day’s march. Indeed, nearly all of the savages west of the Alleghenies were now ranged on the side of the French. A few only of the Indian allies of the English had remained true to them after the surrender of Fort Necessity, and among these were Scarooyada, the successor of the friendly Half-King, and Monacatoocha, whose acquaintance Washington had made on his trip to Le Boeuf in 1753. These two chiefs, with nearly 150 Seneca and Delaware warriors, had joined the English on their march to the Youghiogheny, and proposed to accompany them as scouts and guides. They could without doubt have rendered great service in that capacity, and, if the warnings of their forest experience had been listened to, might perhaps have saved Braddock’s army from the surprise and disaster which overtook it. But, Braddock rejected their services, and treated them with so much of slight and contempt that they finally retired angry and disgusted, leaving him to his fate.

The battle of the Monongahela has been too often described to require repetition here. It resulted in the utter defeat and rout of the English, and the headlong flight of the survivors to the south side of the river at the point where they had crossed. The force which entered the forest defile under Braddock was 1460 strong, including officers and privates. Of this number 456 were killed* and 421 wounded, making a total of 877, while only 583 escaped unhurt, many of the latter not having been in the fight proper at all. Of 89 commissioned officers, 63 were killed or wounded, including every officer above the rank of captain, except Col. Washington. Of the captains, ten were killed and five wounded; of the lieutenants, fifteen killed and 22 wounded. Gen. Braddock had four horses shot under him, and while mounting the fifth received the wound which proved mortal. Washington had two horses shot under him. Sir Peter Halkert (next in command to Braddock) was killed instantly.

*The great disproportion between the killed and wounded on this field, in comparison with more modern ones is accounted for from the fact that the wounded left on the field were nearly all killed and scalped, and their bodies, together with those who had fallen dead, were mangled most atrociously.



Secretary Shirley was killed. Col. Burton, Sir John Sinclair and Lieut.-Col. Gage were among the wounded, also Brig.-Maj. Halkert, Dr. Hugh Mercer,* Maj. Sparks and Capt. Orme. Of the naval officers present, Lieut. Spendelow and Midshipman Talbot were killed. A number of women and officers’ servants were also killed and scalped, though every wagoner escaped. One hundred beeves were captured by the enemy, also the general’s papers (orders, instructions and correspondence) and the military chest, containing £25,000 in money, as well as all of Washington’s papers, including his notes referring to the Fort Necessity campaign of the previous year. The journal of Capt. Orme alone, of all the military papers, was saved. All the artillery, ammunition, baggage and stores fell into the hands of the French and Indians, and the dead and badly wounded were left on the field to be scalped and tortured by the savages, who, however, strangely enough, made little show of pursuit.

When Braddock received his fatal wound he expressed a wish to be left to die on the field, and this wish came very near being gratified. Nearly all his panic-stricken followers deserted him, but his aids-de-camp, Capt. Orme and Capt. Stewart, of the Virginia light-horse, remained around him, and at the imminent risk of their own lives succeeded in bearing him from the woods and across the river. The wounded general then gave orders that the troops should be rallied and a stand made at that place, but this was found impossible. A few subordinate officers and less than 100 soldiers were all who remained around him. Of this movement Capt. Orme’s journal says: "We intended to have kept possession of that ground till we could have been reinforced. The general and some wounded officers remained there about an hour, till most of the men ran off. From that place the general sent Mr. Washington to Col. Dunbar with orders to send wagoners for the wounded, some provisions and hospital stores, to be escorted by the two youngest grenadier companies, to meet him at Gist’s plantation, or nearer if possible. It was found impracticable to remain here, as the general and officers were left almost
 
Page 2)..........*Afterward Gen. Mercer, of the American army, who was killed at the battle of Princeton, January 3, 1777. Left on the field with others badly wounded, he managed to conceal himself behind a fallen tree, where he witnessed the atrocities committed by the savages on the other wounded men and the dead. When darkness came on he crept from the woods, crossed the Monongahela, and after wandering in the forests for many days with his undressed wound, and nearly famished, he at last reached Fort Cumberland in safety.



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alone; we therefore retreated in the best manner we were able. After we had passed the Monongahela the second time, we were joined by Lieut. Col. Gage, who had rallied near eighty men. We marched all night and the next day, and about ten o’clock that night we got to Gist’s plantation."

While Gen. Braddock was advancing toward Fort Du Quesne, Col. Dunbar with the rear division was toiling slowly along, encumbered with the reserve artillery and heavy stores. He passed the ruins of Fort Necessity on July 2, and a few days later reached the place which has borne the name of "Dunbar’s camp" to the present time. This historic spot is situated southeast of the summit, of Wolf Hill, one of the highest points of Laurel Hill Mountain, and about 3,000 feet above the ocean level. The camp was about 300 feet below the summit, occupying land then cleared of its timber, and supplied with two fine springs of water. This point was the end of Dunbar’s outward march, for he there received from the battlefield tidings which forbade all thoughts of a further advance. Washington, in carrying out the orders referred to by Orme, set out with two private soldiers as an escort, and, traveling without a halt through the long hours of the dark and rainy night which succeeded the day of the battle, arrived at Dunbar’s camp early on the morning of the 10th. At about the middle of the forenoon several of Braddock’s Dutch wagoners (from the southeastern counties of Pennsylvania) reached the camp, announcing themselves as the only survivors of the bloody fight on the Monongahela. Soon after, Sir John Sinclair and another wounded officer were brought in by their men in blankets.

Dunbar’s camp was then a scene of the wildest panic, and as the rattle of the "long roll," beaten by the affrighted drummers, reverberated among the crags of Laurel Hill; each one, from the commander to the lowest camp-follower, believed that the savages and the scarcely less dreaded French were near at hand and would soon surround the camp. True to their cowardly instincts, Dunbar’s wagoners, and pack-horse drivers, like those in the advance with Braddock on the Monongahela, and like many others of the same base brood on scores of later battlefields, were the first to seek safety in flight, mounting the best horses and hurrying away with all speed toward Fort Cumberland, leaving their places on the wagons and with the pack horse trains to be filled by brave soldiers from the ranks. Their disgraceful example infected the numerous camp-followers, who, as well as many of those from whom better things might have been expected, fled toward the Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny, and it was with the greatest difficulty that Dunbar prevented the desertion and flight from becoming general.
 
Page 3)............A few days after their cowardly flight from Dunbar’s camp several of those panic-stricken wagoners appeared at Carlisle, bringing with them, the first news of Braddock’s disaster. Thereupon, they were examined by Gov. Morris, at that place, and their depositions taken and subscribed before him are found in the Pennsylvania archives. One of these depositions, similar in tenor to all the others, was as follows:

Matthew Laird, being duly sworn, deposed and said:

"* * * That this examinant continued with Col. Dunbar. And on the 10th of this instant, the regiment being about seven miles beyond a place called the Great Meadows, at eleven o’clock of that day, there was a rumor in the camp that there was bad news, and he was soon after informed by wagoners and pack-horse drivers, who were then returned to Col. Dunbar’s camp, but had gone out with the advance party under Gen. Braddock, that the general, with the advanced party, was defeated by the French on the 9th instant, about five miles from Fort Du Quesne, and about forty miles from where Col. Dunbar was, at which engagement the wagoners and pack-horse drivers said they were present; that the English were attacked as they were going up a hill by numerous body of French and Indians, who kept a continual fire during the whole engagement, which lasted nigh three hours; that most of the English were cut off and the whole train of artillery taken; that Gen. Braddock was killed, as also Sir Peter Halkert, Capt. Orme, and most of the officers. This examinant further saith that he saw a wounded officer brought through the camp on a sheet; that about noon of the same day they beat to arms in Col. Dunbar’s camp, upon which the wagoners, as well as many common soldiers and others, took to flight, in spite of the opposition made to it by the centrys, who forced some to return, but





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many got away, among whom was this examinant."

"Despite the intensity of his agonies," says Sargent, "Braddock still persisted in the exercise of his authority and the fulfillment of his duties." On reaching Gist’s he found that no provisions, stores nor surgical aid had arrived there in Obedience to the command sent by Washington to Col. Dunbar, and thereupon he sent still more peremptory orders to that officer to forward them instantly, also two companies of the regulars to assist in bringing off the wounded. The wagons, stores, etc., reached Gist’s on the morning of Friday the 11th, and as soon as the wounds of the injured were dressed and the men had refreshed themselves somewhat, the retreat of the wounded general and his small party of guards and attendants was continued to Dunbar’s camp. Meantime the terror and consternation at this camp had been constantly increasing from the time when the first of the frightened wagoners had galloped in with the alarming news, on the morning of the day succeeding the battle. Through all that day and the following night terrified fugitives from the field, many of them wounded, were continually pouring in, each telling a fearful tale of rout and massacre, and all uniting in the assertion that the French and savages, in overwhelming forces, were following close in the rear. This latter statement was wholly false, for the enemy had made no attempt at pursuit from the banks of the Monongahela; but the tale was believed, and its effect was an uncontrollable panic.

As before noted, Capt. Stewart, with his mounted troop, bearing the wounded general, arrived at Dunbar’s camp on the 11th, and it was at once determined that the army should retreat (10*) without delay to Fort Cumberland.

*Regarding who was responsible for the disgraceful retreat from Dunbar’s camp and the destruction of all the vast quantities of war material which had, with such great expense and labor been transported over the Alleghenies and to the top of Laurel Hill, the blame has generally been placed on Dunbar, and this appears to be just, though in a letter addressed to Goy. Shirley, under date of August 21, 1755, Col. Dunbar and his officers said: "We must beg leave to undeceive you in what you are pleased to mention of guns being buried at the time Gen. Braddock ordered the stores to be destroyed, for there was not a gun of any kind buried." True, the orders were still issued in Braddock’s name, but the hand of death was upon him and he was irresponsible. The command really lay with Col. Dunbar, bad he been disposed to assume it, and as he doubtless would have done had it not happened that the so-called orders of Braddock were in this instance, and for the first time in all the campaign, in accordance with his wishes.

Of this matter Sargent writes in the following rather contradictory manner: "Braddock’s strength was now fast ebbing away. Informed of the disorganized condition of the remaining troops, he abandoned all hope of a prosperous termination of the expedition. He saw that not only death but utter defeat was inevitable. But, conscious of the odium the latter event would excite, he nobly resolved that the sole responsibility of the measure should rest with himself, and consulted with no one upon the steps he pursued. He merely issued his orders and insisted that they should be obeyed. Thus, after destroying the stores to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy of whose pursuit he did not doubt, the march was to be resumed on Saturday, July 12, toward Will’s Creek. Ill-judged as these orders were, they met with too ready acquiescence at the hands of Dunbar, whose advice was neither asked nor tendered on the occasion. * * * For this service—-the only instance of alacrity that he displayed in the campaign—_Dunbar must not be forgiven. It is not perfectly clear that Braddock intelligently ever gave the orders, but in any case they were not fit for a British officer to give or to obey. Dunbar’s duty was to have maintained here his position, or at least not have contemplated falling back beyond Will’s Creek. That he had not horses to remove his stores was, however, his after-excuse."

The work of destroying wagons, stores, guns, etc., made inevitable from the fact that many of the horses had been ridden away by the panic-stricken wagoners and camp-followers, leaving barely enough transportation for the sick and wounded, who numbered more than three hundred, began immediately, and on Sunday, July 13, the retreating troops, composed of Dunbar’s command and the remnant of the force that fought on the Monongahela, moved away on the road to the Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny. They took with them the only artillery pieces that were left (two six-pounders), a meager supply of provisions and hospital stores, and the remaining wagons, nearly all of which were laden with the sick and wounded. The commander-in-chief, rapidly nearing his end, was borne along with the column. Capt. Orme’s journal for this day reads: "July 13. We marched hence to the camp near the Great Meadows, where the general died."

Old Orchard camp, about two miles west of Fort Necessity, was the place where Dunbar’s troops bivouacked after this day’s march, and there, at eight o’clock on that midsummer Sunday night, Gen. Edward Braddock breathed his last. Washington* and Orme were also with him at the last moment. Sargent said that shortly before his death the general bequeathed to Washington his favorite horse and his body-servant, Bishop, so well known in after years as the faithful attendant of the patriot chief.

On the morning of July 14 the dead general was buried at the camp where he died, and the two pieces of artillery, the wagon-train and the soldiers, moving out to take the road to Will’s Creek, passed over the spot to obliterate all traces of the new grave, and thus save it from desecration by the savages, who were expected soon to follow in pursuit. The wagons containing

*The utter absurdity of accounts with which many are familiar, i.e., that Washington assumed command after the fall of Braddock and saved the remnant of the force from destruction, is made apparent by reading Capt. Orme’s journal. Doubtless he rendered very efficient services, but, as before stated, his position during that expedition was only that of a volunteer aide-de-camp.



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the sick and wounded took the lead, then came the others with the hospital and the meager stock of provisions, then the advance of the infantry column, then the ammunition and guns, and finally the two veteran companies of the 44th and 48th British regular regiments, with Stewart’s Virginia light-horse as a guard to the rear and flanks. In the evening of the same day Youghiogheny river was crossed by the last man of the force, and the retreating army bivouacked for the night on the eastern side of that stream, within the limits of the present county of Somerset. Continuing the march the succeeding day, rapid progress was made; for, though Braddock’s road was rough, and in many places barely passable, the head of the wagon-train bearing the sick and wounded arrived at Will’s Creek on the 17th, and three days later the last of Dunbar’s soldiers reached Fort Cumberland and lighted their bivouac fires within the range of its guns.
 
Page 4)..........Thus ended an expedition from which such brilliant, results had been expected. Fort Du Quesne was still hold by the French, who, with their Indian allies, soon extended their domination over a wide scope of country lying to the east and southeast. Gaining ‘courage as they advanced, they came to Dunbar’s camp a week or two after his forces had left it, and there completed the work of destruction which he had left undone. Within the next two months they had advanced eastward to the Alleghenies, and by sending incursion parties beyond that range, naught but death and desolation was left in many parts of the present counties of Bedford, Fulton, Franklin, Adams, York, Cumberland, Perry, Juniata, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Snyder and Union, where before had existed new but prosperous white settlements.

Says Gordon in his history of Pennsylvania:

"In the fall of 1755 the country west of the Susquehanna had three thousand men in it fit to bear arms, and in August, 1756, exclusive of the provincial forces, there were not one hundred left." ‘In the region west of the mountains there was not left a single settler or trader other than those who were favorable to the French and their interests. And this state of affairs continued in the division of the provinces last referred to for more than three years immediately succeeding Braddock’s defeat on the Monongahela.

SOURCE: History of Bedford, Somerset and Fulton Counties, pp. 34-42.
 
Photo964o.jpg
 
Mike,

Can you post a link for the source?

In destroying or burying much of the remaining supplies, Dunbar has drawn strong criticism.

Dunbar's decision to use whatever wagons that were still remaining to carry the wounded back to Fort Cumberland is probably the most quoted reason in support of Dunbar's decision.

Considering the caliber of the many of the remaining troops, the most aggressive stance Dunbar could have contemplated was to construct a Fort at his camp site, while at the same time sending the wounded back to Fort Cumberland. This would have preserved at least some of the supplies. But on paper, dividing his already mauled command into two missions would have been extraordinarily bold and highly unlikely.

Often those critical of Dunbar offer only criticism - no alternative solutions. Any decision Dunbar made has to be viewed in the "fog" of war. He did not know the capabilities or limitations of the French.
 
Mike,

Can you post a link for the source?

In destroying or burying much of the remaining supplies, Dunbar has drawn strong criticism.

Dunbar's decision to use whatever wagons that were still remaining to carry the wounded back to Fort Cumberland is probably the most quoted reason in support of Dunbar's decision.

Considering the caliber of the many of the remaining troops, the most aggressive stance Dunbar could have contemplated was to construct a Fort at his camp site, while at the same time sending the wounded back to Fort Cumberland. This would have preserved at least some of the supplies. But on paper, dividing his already mauled command into two missions would have been extraordinarily bold and highly unlikely.

Often those critical of Dunbar offer only criticism - no alternative solutions. Any decision Dunbar made has to be viewed in the "fog" of war. He did not know the capabilities or limitations of the French.

Ken...keep in mind...Dunbar's decision was influenced by panic in his camp of false news that the French and Indians followed close behind the incoming wounded...and many civilians took most of their horses and left his camp...also Braddock had given an order for him to destroy the ordinance...

I'm not making judgements on his character...I was just providing insight into Dougs comment...

try this link...to pcik up where I left off...

http://www.pa-roots.com/bedford/history/historyofbedford/chapter05.html

try this link for the entire story...

http://www.pa-roots.com/bedford/history/historyofbedford/index.html
 
The best way to review Dunbar's performance is to contrast it with that of Bouquet at Bushy Run. The first day at Bushy Run was amazingly similar to Braddock's experience. However, Bouquet kept his head, held his ground and turned disaster into victory. Dunbar, on the other hand, appears to have got caught up in the panic. Dunbar had not even participated in the fighting - so he had even less reason to be panicked. At the very least, it would had been a simple matter for him to ascertain whether the French were pursuing him before retreating.
 
I love the BOM Collector Club Figures - this is a great range and I hope John keeps adding to it ! :)
 
The best way to review Dunbar's performance is to contrast it with that of Bouquet at Bushy Run. The first day at Bushy Run was amazingly similar to Braddock's experience. However, Bouquet kept his head, held his ground and turned disaster into victory. Dunbar, on the other hand, appears to have got caught up in the panic. Dunbar had not even participated in the fighting - so he had even less reason to be panicked. At the very least, it would had been a simple matter for him to ascertain whether the French were pursuing him before retreating.

I just don't see Dunbar as such a "bad guy"...that's my opinion...

his orders from a dying Braddock were to retreat and burn the supplys...

he obeyed orders...

panic...I have no argument there...widespread, frenzied, mass panic is a better description...

the details of the slaughter he received from the incoming escapees of the battle were a little embellished...

maybe not the gory details so much...but the close presence of the ensuing Indians was just not true...

I never thought of him as a coward...I think his becoming a "scapegoat" for Braddock's arrogance is unwarranted...
 

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