French Indian War Figure - Adam Williamson, Royal Engineers (1 Viewer)

Fraxinus

Master Sergeant
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We so need a club figure of this gentleman, preferably in the uniform of a Royal Engineer. The uniform would be the same as Royal Artillery, just Black Facings. He was nearly everywhere except maybe Ticonderoga --- Battle of Monongahela (wounded), Fort William Henry (engineer, internal to the fort itself during the siege, not the encampment), Siege of Louisbourg and the Siege of Quebec (again wounded). He was at Fort William Henry when the French attempt to seize the Fort failed in March 1757, 5 months before Montcalm's successful attempt to take the fort. Plus Bunker Hill later in his career.

His father, George Williamson, commanded the british artillery at the Siege of Quebec and is depicted in the Benjamin West Painting (older gentleman above Wolfe, with just his head showing). The portrait in the link below is when he was a much older gentleman, but at least John would have something to go on. Black Facings - High Snazzy Factor!!!

As an aside, still very much want to see an officer conference for the Ticonderoga Release.


Text of link copied below:



Sir Adam Williamson (1733 - 1798)





Following the death of Arthur Jones in 1798, Avebury Manor passed to his chosen successor - Ann (Nanny) Williamson, who‘s husband - Adam Williamson was to become governor of Jamaica. The Williamsons’ owned Avebury Manor between 1789 - 1798

Sir Adam Williamson, army officer and colonial governor, was the son of Lieutenant-General George Williamson (1707?–1781), who commanded the Royal Artillery during operations in North America from 1758 to 1760.

Williamson was educated at Westminster School from October 1744, aged ten. He became a cadet gunner on 1 January 1748, and entered the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich in 1750.

He graduated as a practitioner engineer on 1 January 1753. The following year he went to North America serving an engineer in Braddock's expedition to Virginia in 1755 where he was wounded during the defeat at Monongahela.

Further conflicts were to follow during his military career; he was at the surrender of Fort William Henry in August 1757 where he was promoted to lieutenant in the 35th foot on 25 September and was given a staff appointment as lieutenant and engineer-extraordinary on 4 January 1758. He served at the capture of Louisburg in July 1758 and the taking of Quebec a year later, where he was wounded again.

He was appointed captain in the 40th foot on 21 April 1760 and distinguished himself during the capture of L'Isle Royale the following August.

Further promotion came in 1770 when he was given the rank of major in the 16th foot and engineer-in-ordinary. Later transferring to the 61st foot; where he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel in the army on 12 September 1775.

As lieutenant-colonel of the 18th Royal Irish regiment, he ceased his engineering duties and returned to active service in North America, where he participated in the battle of Bunker Hill (June 1775).

After his return to England in July 1776 he was appointed deputy adjutant-general of the forces in south Britain on 23 December 1778. He achieved promotion to colonel in the army on 15 February 1782 and major-general on 28 April 1790, and became colonel of the 47th foot on 16 July 1790; he transferred to the 72nd highlanders in March 1794.

He had married Ann Jones, at Woolwich on 10th August 1771; she was the daughter of Thomas Jones of East Wickham Kent.

In July 1789, Ann had inherited Avebury Manor from her uncle - Arthur Jones. Sir Adam however, had little time to enjoy his peaceful new country residence, for in late 1790, when war with Spain threatened, he was sent as lieutenant-governor and garrison commander to Jamaica, Britain's most important colony. He was later to replace the governor - Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Howard, 3rd Earl of Effingham following his death in November 1791.

His clemency proved popular with the planters and he won praise for his ‘mildness’ and for maintaining calm after the outbreak of a major slave uprising in nearby St Domingue.

Several of its white colonists sought refuge in Jamaica and requested that Britain take over the French colony. Williamson cultivated these contacts, for St Domingue was a source of enormous wealth. Following the outbreak of war in 1793 he received permission to send troops to those areas that would accept a British protectorate. In September there began a tenuous five-year military occupation. Slave owners welcomed the British forces into much of western and southern St Domingue, and plantation production revived. Ultimately, however, their alliance could make little headway against the burgeoning insurrection among the enslaved and free coloured populations. Troops sent from Europe were vastly outnumbered and died quickly from disease. Yet, in the optimism following the capture of Port-au-Prince on 4 June 1794, Williamson was made a knight of the Bath on 18 November and governor of St Domingue, where he arrived on 26 May 1795.

The governor had to implement an experiment in what later became crown colony government. Reintroducing civil administration into a society torn apart by the French Revolution proved a delicate task. Although Williamson generally had a good word for everyone, his favouring of radical Anglophile colonists over conservative émigrés from France was received badly in Whitehall. The occupation, moreover, became notorious for military losses and escalating costs. Yellow fever, inflation, and the guerrilla warfare of the insurgents doomed the expedition. Williamson expanded the use of black soldiers but was unable to reduce the death rate of British troops. Instructed to foster colonial support for British rule, the humane and generous governor spent lavishly, both his own money and the government's. Since he was fluent in French and fond of late-night drinking and story-telling, he was well liked by wealthy colonists, but, indulgent and overworked, he allowed corruption to flourish around him.

Perceived as a lax administrator and poor judge of men, Williamson was recalled in October 1795; he left the colony on 14 March 1796. His final promotion was as lieutenant-general, on 26 January 1797.

Sir Adam returned to Avebury alone in 1797, for Ann had died of yellow fever whilst they were in Jamaica. Williamson died from the effects of a fall in the dining room/great hall at Avebury on 21 October 1798. It is believed he fractured several ribs in the fall, possibly puncturing a lung. Death would have been slow and painful, his body finally succumbing to respiratory failure.

His obituary in the ‘Gentleman’s Magazine’ of 21 October 1798 reads;

‘At Averbury [sic] House, Wilts, Lieut. Gen. Sir Adam Williamson, K.B. and colonel of the 72nd regiment of foot, and for a short time, governor of Jamaica. His death was occasioned by a violent fall, which fractured two of his ribs, and so terribly bruised him that he languished from Friday till Sunday’.

Source: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, edited by David P. Geggus. Subsequent edits by Willow

Sir Adam Williamson's funeral hatchments can be found on the south wall of St. James church Avebury. In his will he bequeathed Avebury Manor to Ann’s nephew - Richard Jones.

if no portrait is shown above, see this link

http://aveburymanor.blogspot.com/2012/08/sir-adam-williamson-1733-1798.html
 
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Adam Williamson figured very prominently during the siege of Fort William Henry. He was one of the few British regulars within the fort itself (less than 85 regulars - 60 men of the 35th regiment plus two dozen members of the Royal artillery), the bulk of the troops inside the fort being colonials. Monro was in the outside encampment. He directed much of the response of the British Artillery.

In the Siege of Fort William Henry, by Ben Hughes (2011), there are more than a dozen page references to Williamson --- ordering the roofs to be pulled off the barracks as a precaution against heated shot (as a guy with a fort in the basement, this is a horrible thought), escorting the French officer carrying the letter from Montcalm to Monro, directing the artillery fire, attending the key officer conference with Webb prior to the siege, being stripped naked but subsequently rescued by the French officer who had carried Montcalm's letter, etc.
 
Adam Williamson figured very prominently during the siege of Fort William Henry. He was one of the few British regulars within the fort itself (less than 85 regulars - 60 men of the 35th regiment plus two dozen members of the Royal artillery), the bulk of the troops inside the fort being colonials. Monro was in the outside encampment. He directed much of the response of the British Artillery.

In the Siege of Fort William Henry, by Ben Hughes (2011), there are more than a dozen page references to Williamson --- ordering the roofs to be pulled off the barracks as a precaution against heated shot (as a guy with a fort in the basement, this is a horrible thought), escorting the French officer carrying the letter from Montcalm to Monro, directing the artillery fire, attending the key officer conference with Webb prior to the siege, being stripped naked but subsequently rescued by the French officer who had carried Montcalm's letter, etc.

Good idea - and nice work with the support research!
 
Question at the end of all this. Honest.

This is the exact language in the Osprey's King George's Army 1740-93 (3), Plate G2, plus my observation of the Plate. Plate G2, page 31, may or may not open under the below link. This Plate is post 1772, so not the FIW.

http://books.google.com/books?id=1s...=gbs_selected_pages&cad=2#v=onepage&q&f=false

Start Osprey Text:

Engineers were also the responsibility of the Board of Ordnance, but their military status was at first ambiguous and some officers obtained their commissions by serving in infantry regiments. This was obviously a far from satisfactory state of affairs and on 14 May 1757 officers were for the first time commissioned as Engineers. Until that time, there was no proscribed uniform for engineers and many apparently wore the uniform of whichever infantry regiment they then happened to belong to.

This also had to change and just two weeks later the Ipswich Journal of all things noted that the uniform of the newly formed Corps of Engineers was "red lapelled with black velvet, buff waistcoats and breeches."

Perhaps because there were so few of them the Board of Ordnance took rather a long time to get round to considering the modernization of their uniforms in the wake of the 1768 Warrant and it was not until 20 August 1772 that the pattern shown in this reconstruction was authorized -----

(Fraxinus observation of Plate G2: red coat, black cuffs and lapels, coat lining not visible, black collar, white waistcoat and white breeches, about 10 gold buttons on lapels, maybe 3 gold buttons on cuffs, black velvet lace on hat) ----

As it happened, this particular uniform did not last very long. In December 1782, it was ordered to be changed to a blue coat faced with black velvet and lined in white.

End of Osprey Text

Engineers were often used to scout the enemy positions, but there was a problem in the late 18th Century. British Engineers wore blue coats and French engineers red coats. This lead to a number of friendly fire accidents and deaths, including Montcalms Chief Engineer at Oswego in 1756. This problem continued thru the beginning of the Napoleonic Wars, at least for the British.

This question is especially directed at Obee and the Baron, but not limited to them ---- what does this mean "red lapelled with black velvet, buff waistcoats and breeches." And if you had to make a figure of a British French Indian War Engineer what would you advise?

(1) Blue coat, red lapelled, red lined, with black cuffs, black collar, buff waistcoat and breeches, gold buttons, gold velvet lace on hat?

(2) Blue coat, red lapelled, white lined, with black cuffs, black collar, buff waistcoat and breeches, gold buttons, black velvet lace on hat?

(3) Blue coat, black lapelled, white lined, black cuffs, black collar, buff waistcoat and breeches, gold buttons, black velvet lace on hat?

(4) Something else?

Any opinions on this most welcome.
 
I'd say that the description of "red lapelled with black velvet, buff waistcoats and breeches."

means a red coat, with black lapels, buff waistcoat and breeches.

This is the image from the OSPREY book, showing white breeches, and waistcoat.

RE.jpg

I hope this helps,

John
 
here is another source

FUNCKEN Lace Wars showing Engineer Officers

RE2.jpg

Fig 9 1778 in red coat
Fig 10 RA officer 1788
Fig 11 1782 in blue coat
Fig 12 1792 in blue coat
Fig 13 1797 in blue coat

John
 
Thanks Obee. First time I have seen an illustration of a British Army Officer where the color of the cuffs does not match the coat liner.
 
So Obee, are you suggesting that a red coat would be more appropriate than the blue coat for the FIW period. If red, what is the liner color?
 
So Obee, are you suggesting that a red coat would be more appropriate than the blue coat for the FIW period. If red, what is the liner color?

That's right.... red coat in FIW

John
 
Thanks Obee. First time I have seen an illustration of a British Army Officer where the color of the cuffs does not match the coat liner.

In Napoleonic times, lining and turnbacks were white, even though collars, cuffs were coloured.

John
 
Really trying hard to pin Obee down on his thoughts, not an easy thing to do.

It appears that guesswork is involved with a few of the elements, so .....

Red coat, black collar, black cuffs, black lapels, black tricorn, black hat lace, buff waistcoat, buff pants, gold buttons, and black coat liner? For some reason, I am thinking gold hat lace would be a better choice.

Hoping Obee and the Baron will chime in one more time on this, especially as it relates to the coat liner and hat lace.


Thanks
 
Sorry, gentlemen, I'm late to the party.

Given the time period and the date for the first commissioning of engineers, as distinct from officers attached to specific regiments, it's possible that he'd wear the uniform of one of the regiments in North American, rather than the red coat with black facings.

Apart from the same Osprey number already cited, my other sources for British army uniforms include Carl Franklin's excellent British Army Uniforms from 1751 to 1783, but unfortunately, he doesn't deal with the engineers at all.

Another source I have is a copy of Friedrich Schirmer's "Die Heere der kriegsführenden Staaten" (revised edition, 1989). He does include a description of the engineer officer's uniform that tends to confirm what's in Osprey. A translation:

"Around 1756, the technical services had a special status within the 'Ordnance'. Officers wore a similar uniform to that of the artillery, just with colors reversed: red coats with blue distinctions (according to a source cited by Lawson, black). gold buttons and lace. The rank and file were raised as necessary

In North America, engineer companies wore blue coats with buff distinctions, waistcoats and breeches, buttons and lace were yellow. Musicians were likewise uniformed, with buff stripes on the sleeves. For siege work, specialists had caps and trench armor, of steel."

And finally, I looked in Knötel, but maddeningly, he starts his coverage of the Royal Artillery and Engineers around 1800.

If I can find anything else, I'll post it back here.

Prost!
Brad
 
http://books.google.com/books?id=ti...of corps of royal engineers, volume 1&f=false

The link above should get you to Volume I of the History of the Royal Corps of Engineers. Please see page 215 for Portrait of an young Engineer, Ensign (1763).

So maybe (Quebec, 1759): Red coat, black cuffs, black lapels, black tricorn, gold lace (hat, coat, cuffs), buff waistcoat, buff pants, gold buttons, and black coat liner. I was leaning towards no collar, but maybe gold now because of the above portrait. Braid on sleeve? None or copy from the Royal Artillery?

Any thoughts appreciated.
 
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