Gettysburg Film (1 Viewer)

Molloy

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Afternoon all,

Just in the process of slowly re-watching Gettysburg in online installments whenever I get the chance. It’s great to see it again, as I must have been all of 8 or 9 the last time I watched this on VHS from the local video shop.

Tremendously enjoying it so far (I’m about mid-way through the 20th Maine’s defence of the Little Round Top) – but quite curious as to how historically accurate or otherwise it is?

I’ll hold my hands up straight away and admit that the US Civil War is not my “area” as such, so I really don’t know. I would be aware of some of the outline details of the conflict, and I’ve certainly always been tempted by some of the Britain’s and K&C figures available (if I had limitless resources, etc. …;)), but I don’t have any kind of comprehensive knowledge of the period.

I do know though that there are more than a few very knowledgeable Civil War enthusiasts active on the forum, so I’d be very interested in hearing their opinions on the relative strengths and weaknesses of the film.

Fire away, gents!

Molloy.
 
Afternoon all,

Just in the process of slowly re-watching Gettysburg in online installments whenever I get the chance. It’s great to see it again, as I must have been all of 8 or 9 the last time I watched this on VHS from the local video shop.

Tremendously enjoying it so far (I’m about mid-way through the 20th Maine’s defence of the Little Round Top) – but quite curious as to how historically accurate or otherwise it is?

I’ll hold my hands up straight away and admit that the US Civil War is not my “area” as such, so I really don’t know. I would be aware of some of the outline details of the conflict, and I’ve certainly always been tempted by some of the Britain’s and K&C figures available (if I had limitless resources, etc. …;)), but I don’t have any kind of comprehensive knowledge of the period.

I do know though that there are more than a few very knowledgeable Civil War enthusiasts active on the forum, so I’d be very interested in hearing their opinions on the relative strengths and weaknesses of the film.

Fire away, gents!

Molloy.

I thought it was fairly accurate..If you visit the Round top part of the battlefield, the 20th Maine position is off on a dirt track and one can actually see that they were the last flank for the Union position..Michael
 
By what i know the film is based on the beautiful novel "The Killer Angels " by Michael Shaara, but i don't know if it's historically accurate at 100%...by the way Gettysburg is how a war movie must be done, it doesn't includes all the phases of the battle but this is is quite impossible to do,i hope one day they 'll do a Waterloo movie in this way.
 
Picketts Charge in the Gettysburg movie ranks right up there with SPR Omaha Beach as the best battle scene in a movie.
Gary
 
I have to suggest that there are written accounts of the 20th Maine's defence by participants such as Chamberlain himself. The film is close to the facts and as "cantinetozzo" noted is based on the novel. The film was good for inspiring people about the battle. I was going to be an extra in the film but I understood that they only wanted young thin Civil War reenactors and in the early 90s I didn't want to show up and be turned down. As it turned out, there weren't enough young thin reenactors around so they used the reenactors that showed up. Remember Sgt Santa Claus in the opening scenes? Several of the men in my unit appear several times in the film in different uniforms with different facial hair. On Little Round Top on extra shoots himself in different uniforms.

The geography of the filming location is close to the original site and you get the idea of the tactics used so using the film as an "inspiration" for a diorama is OK.
 
I watched "Gettysburg" about 2 weeks ago.

For someone not well versed with the ACW, it was not easy to follow the battle, save for the 20th Maine's Defence of Little Round Top and General Pickett's Charge.

It would help if war films like these would flash on short captions to indicate which units were being shown and the locations on the battlefield.

One could know from the dialogue that the Colonel Chamberlain's 20th Maine was the end of the line, but I could not picture the positions of the other Union and Confederate forces.

Maps would be great, but then the movie would become more of a documentary.
 
Report of Col. Joshua L. Chamberlain, part one

I have the Official Records Of the War Of The Rebellion on CD. Best 75 dollars I ever spent. Here is Chamberlain's report.


O.R.--SERIES I--VOLUME XXVII/1 [S# 43] -- Gettysburg Campaign
No. 196. -- Report of Col. Joshua L. Chamberlain,
Twentieth Maine Infantry

FIELD NEAR EMMITSBURG, July 6, 1863.
SIR: In compliance with the request of the colonel commanding the brigade, I have the honor to submit a somewhat detailed report of the operations of the Twentieth Regiment Maine Volunteers in the battle of Gettysburg, on the 2d and 3d instant.
Having acted as the advance guard, made necessary by the proximity of the enemy's cavalry, on the march of the day before, my command on reaching Hanover, Pa., just before sunset on that day, were much worn, and lost no time in getting ready for an expected bivouac. Rations were scarcely issued, and the men about preparing supper, when rumors that the enemy had been encountered that day near Gettysburg absorbed every other interest, and very soon orders came to march forthwith to Gettysburg.
My men moved out with a promptitude and spirit extraordinary, the cheers and welcome they received on the road adding to their enthusiasm. After an hour or two of sleep by the roadside just before daybreak, we reached the heights southeasterly of Gettysburg at about 7 a.m., July 2.
Massed at first with the rest of the division on the right of the road, we were moved several times farther toward the left. Although expecting every moment to be put into action and held strictly in line of battle, yet the men were able to take some rest and make the most of their rations.
Somewhere near 4 p.m. a sharp cannonade, at some distance to our left and front, was the signal for a sudden and rapid movement of our whole division in the direction of this firing, which grew warmer as we approached. Passing an open field in the hollow <ar43_623> ground in which some of our batteries were going into position, our brigade reached the skirt of a piece of woods, in the farther edge of which there was a heavy musketry fire, and when about to go forward into line we received from Colonel Vincent, commanding the brigade, orders to move to the left at the double-quick, when we took a farm road crossing Plum Run in order to gain a rugged mountain spur called Granite Spur, or Little Round Top.
The enemy's artillery got range of our column as we were climbing the spur, and the crashing of the shells among the rocks and the tree tops made us move lively along the crest. One or two shells burst in our ranks. Passing to the southern slope of Little Round Top, Colonel Vincent indicated to me the ground my regiment was to occupy, informing me that this was the extreme left of our general line, and that a desperate attack was expected in order to turn that position, concluding by telling me I was to" hold that ground at all hazards." This was the last word I heard from him.
In order to commence by making my right firm, I formed my regiment on the right into line, giving such direction to the line as should best secure the advantage of the rough, rocky, and stragglingly wooded ground.
The line faced generally toward a more conspicuous eminence southwest of ours, which is known as Sugar Loaf, or Round Top. Between this and my position intervened a smooth and thinly wooded hollow. My line formed, I immediately detached Company B, Captain Morrill commanding, to extend from my left flank across this hollow as a line of skirmishers, with directions to act as occasion might dictate, to prevent a surprise on my exposed flank and rear.
The artillery fire on our position had meanwhile been constant and heavy, but my formation was scarcely complete when the artillery was replaced by a vigorous infantry assault upon the center of our brigade to my right, but it very soon involved the right of my regiment and gradually extended along my entire front. The action was quite sharp and at close quarters.
In the midst of this, an officer from my center informed me that some important movement of the enemy was going on in his front, beyond that of the line with which we were engaged. Mounting a large rock, I was able to see a considerable body of the enemy moving by the flank in rear of their line engaged, and passing from the direction of the foot of Great Round Top through the valley toward the front of my left. The close engagement not allowing any change of front, I immediately stretched my regiment to the left, by taking intervals by the left flank, and at the same time "refusing" my left wing, so that it was nearly at right angles with my right, thus occupying about twice the extent of our ordinary front, some of the companies being brought into single rank when the nature of the ground gave sufficient strength or shelter. My officers and men understood wishes so well that this movement was executed under fire, the right wing keeping up fire, without giving the enemy any occasion to seize or even to suspect their advantage. But we were not a moment too soon; the enemy's flanking column having gained their desired direction, burst upon my left, where they evidently had expected an unguarded flank, with great demonstration.
We opened a brisk fire at close range, which was so sudden and effective that they soon fell back among the rocks and low trees in the valley, only to burst forth again with a shout, and rapidly advanced, firing as they came. They pushed up to within a dozen yards <ar43_624> of us before the terrible effectiveness of our fire compelled them to break and take shelter.
They renewed the assault on our whole front, and for an hour the fighting was severe. Squads of the enemy broke through our line in several places, and the fight was literally hand to hand. The edge of the fight rolled backward and forward like a wave. The dead and wounded were now in our front and then in our rear. Forced from our position, we desperately recovered it, and pushed the enemy down to the foot of the slope. The intervals of the struggle were seized to remove our wounded (and those of the enemy also), to gather ammunition from the cartridge-boxes of disabled friend or foe on the field, and even to secure better muskets than the Enfields, which we found did not stand service well. Rude shelters were thrown up of the loose rocks that covered the ground.
Captain Woodward, commanding the Eighty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers, on my right, gallantly maintaining his fight, judiciously and with hearty co-operation made his movements conform to my necessities, so that my right was at no time exposed to a flank attack.
The enemy seemed to have gathered all their energies for their final assault. We had gotten our thin line into as good a shape as possible, when a strong force emerged from the scrub wood in the valley, as well as I could judge, in two lines in echelon by the right, and, opening a heavy fire, the first line came on as if they meant to sweep everything before them. We opened on them as well as we could with our scanty ammunition snatched from the field.
It did not seem possible to withstand another shock like this now coming on. Our loss had been severe. One-half of my left wing had fallen, and a third of my regiment lay just behind us, dead or badly wounded. At this moment my anxiety was increased by a great roar of musketry in my rear, on the farther or northerly slope of Little Round Top, apparently on the flank of the regular brigade, which was in support of Hazlett's battery on the crest behind us. The bullets from this attack struck into my left rear, and I feared that the enemy might have nearly surrounded the Little Round Top, and only a desperate chance was left for us. My ammunition was soon exhausted. My men were firing their last shot and getting ready to "club" their muskets.
It was imperative to strike before we were struck by this overwhelming force in a hand-to-hand fight, which we could not probably have withstood or survived. At that crisis, I ordered the bayonet. The word was enough. It ran like fire along the line, from man to man, and rose into a shout, with which they sprang forward upon the enemy, now not 30 yards away. The effect was surprising; many of the enemy's first line threw down their arms and surrendered. An officer fired his pistol at my head with one hand, while he handed me his sword with the other. Holding fast by our right, and swinging forward our left, we made an extended "right wheel," before which the enemy's second line broke and fell back, fighting from tree to tree, many being captured, until we had swept the valley and cleared the front of nearly our entire brigade.
Meantime Captain Morrill with his skirmishers (sent out from my left flank), with some dozen or fifteen of the U.S. Sharpshooters who had put themselves under his direction, fell upon the enemy as they were breaking, and by his demonstrations, as well as his well-directed fire, added much to the effect of the charge. <ar43_625>
Having thus cleared the valley and driven the enemy up the western slope of the Great Round Top, not wishing to press so far out as to hazard the ground I was to hold by leaving it exposed to a sudden rush of the enemy, I succeeded (although with some effort to stop my men, who declared they were "on the road to Richmond") in getting the regiment into good order and resuming our original position.
 
Chamberlain Report Part two

Four hundred prisoners, including two field and several line officers, were sent to the rear. These were mainly from the Fifteenth and Forty-seventh Alabama Regiments, with some of the Fourth and Fifth Texas. One hundred and fifty of the enemy were found killed and wounded in our front.
At dusk, Colonel Rice informed me of the fall of Colonel Vincent, which had devolved the command of the brigade on him, and that Colonel Fisher had come up with a brigade to our support. These troops were massed in our rear. It was the understanding, as Colonel Rice informed me, that Colonel Fisher's brigade was to advance and seize the western slope of Great Round Top, where the enemy had shortly before been driven. But, after considerable delay, this intention for some reason was not carried into execution.


We were apprehensive that if the enemy were allowed to strengthen himself in that position, he would have a great advantage in renewing the attack on us at daylight or before. Colonel Rice then directed me to make the movement to seize that crest.



It was now 9 p.m. Without waiting to get ammunition, but trusting in part to the very circumstance of not exposing our movement or our small front by firing, and with bayonets fixed, the little handful of 200 men pressed up the mountain side in very extended order, as the steep and jagged surface of the ground compelled. We heard squads of the enemy failing back before us, and, when near the crest, we met a scattering and uncertain fire, which caused us the great loss of the gallant Lieutenant Linscott, who fell, mortally wounded. In the silent advance in the darkness we laid hold of 25 prisoners, among them a staff officer of General [E. M.] Law, commanding the brigade immediately opposed to us during the fight. Reaching the crest, and reconnoitering the ground, I placed the men in a strong position among the rocks, and informed Colonel Rice, requesting also ammunition and some support to our right, which was very near the enemy, their movements and words even being now distinctly heard by us.




Some confusion soon after resulted from the attempt of some regiment of Colonel Fisher's brigade to come to our support. They had found a wood road up the mountain, which brought them on my right flank, and also in proximity to the enemy, massed a little below. Hearing their approach, and thinking a movement from that quarter could only be from the enemy, I made disposition to receive them as such. In the confusion which attended the attempt to form them in support of my right, the enemy opened a brisk fire, which disconcerted my efforts to form them and disheartened the supports themselves, so that I saw no more of them that night.
Feeling somewhat insecure in this isolated position, I sent in for the Eighty-third Pennsylvania, which came speedily, followed by the Forty-fourth New York, and, having seen these well posted, I sent a strong picket to the front, with instructions to report to me every half hour during the night, and allowed the rest of my men to sleep on their arms.




At some time about midnight, two regiments of Colonel Fisher's «40RR--VOL XXVII, PT I» <ar43_626> brigade came up the mountain beyond my left, and took position near the summit; but as the enemy did not threaten from that direction, I made no effort to connect with them.
We went into the fight with 386, all told--358 guns. Every pioneer and musician who could carry a musket went into the ranks. Even the sick and foot-sore, who could not keep up in the march, came up as soon as they could find their regiments, and took their places in line of battle, while it was battle, indeed. Some prisoners I had under guard, under sentence of court-martial, I was obliged to put into the fight, and they bore their part well, for which I shall recommend a commutation of their sentence.
The loss, so far as I can ascertain it, is 136--30 of whom were killed, and among the wounded are many mortally.
Captain Billings, Lieutenant Kendall, and Lieutenant Linscott are officers whose loss we deeply mourn-- efficient soldiers, and pure and high-minded men.
In such an engagement there were many incidents of heroism and noble character which should have place even in an official report; but, under present circumstances, I am unable to do justice to them. I will say of that regiment that the resolution, courage, and heroic fortitude which enabled us to withstand so formidable an attack have happily led to so conspicuous a result that they may safely trust to history to record their merits.
About noon on the 3d of July, we were withdrawn, and formed on the right of the brigade, in the front edge of a piece of woods near the left center of our main line of battle, where we were held in readiness to support our troops, then receiving the severe attack of the afternoon of that day.
On the 4th, we made a reconnaissance to the front, to ascertain the movements of the enemy, but finding that they had retired, at least beyond Willoughby's Run, we returned to Little Round Top, where we buried our dead in the place where we had laid them during the fight, marking each grave by a head-board made of ammunition boxes, with each dead soldiers name cut upon it. We also buried 50 of the enemy's dead in front of our position of July 2. We then looked after our wounded, whom I had taken the responsibility of putting into the houses of citizens in the vicinity of Little Round Top, and, on the morning of the 5th, took up our march on the Emmitsburg road.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
JOSHUA L. CHAMBERLAIN,
Colonel, Commanding Twentieth Maine Volunteers
 
One of my all time favorite movies. The scenes on little round top were filmed in the fall. If you watch close ups of the actors taking you can see their breath because it was cold in the morning when they were shooting. You can also see how the bare the trees are in some of the wide shoots of Cemetery Ridge. I haven't found it yet, but a friend of mine says he spotted a telephone pole and power line in one of the scenes.
 
It' pretty good but too "bloodless" and "glorious."

Friends who were extras in thescene said that the director had barrels of fake blood handy but decided not to use them.
 
I think I should read the Gettysburg Companion before watching the movie again.

.....and also the Waterloo and Traflagar Companion.
 
You'll get a kick out of this page....there are more.

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0107007/goofs

Goofs for
Gettysburg (1993)

" Revealing mistakes: The battle of Little Round top takes place on the hot afternoon of July 2. Yet after the battle, as Chamberlain speaks to the wounded Sergeant Kilrain, you can see the actor's breath as "Kilrain" speaks his lines, evidence that the air was much colder than on a July afternoon. The same thing occurs later in the film when a messenger climbs Big Round Top to speak with Chamberlain. The messenger is breathing heavily, and the vapor of his breath is visible."
 
Is there another version of Gettyburg, which has and extra 15 to 20 minutes. I have heard this before but have not seen anything to support this.
 
I can not think of anything more miserable than wearing a wool uniform in the middle of summer with all that humidity. I will bet the actors were glad it was filmed in the fall. There are always little inaccuracies in movies of this scope. One of the more hilarious goofs was a kid wearing a digital watch as troops were parading by. I love this movie and have watched it many times. My favorite scene is when Jeff Daniels yells :BAYONETS!". The look in his eyes just says look out here we come! The other scene is when the rebel officer points his revolver at JD and it falls on an empty cylinder. There is palpable
look of relief as he lets his breath go and his mustache moves.:)
 
I know that Gods and Generals was panned as being too wordy and preachy, the battlescenes were first rate. I will still watch select scenes of Fredericksburg and Chanscellorsville over and over again..Gotta love the Confederate Irish saluting their Union countrymen..and the street to street action in town..Michael
 
Is there another version of Gettyburg, which has and extra 15 to 20 minutes. I have heard this before but have not seen anything to support this.

A version was shown on TV on TNT of course with some extra scenes of the defense of the town and Buford talking to civilians.
 
I just got the word from a man you was in the scenes of the 20th Maine on Little Round Top. The shots of the charge down the hill were shot in the last of September.
 
I'm a fan of the 48th Pennsylvania blog, which I highly recommend. In a recent posting, the author, John David Hoptak who is the Park Ranger at Antietam, has uploaded deleted scenes from Gettysburg.
 
I remember that these scenes reappeared in a televised showing of Gettysburg on one July 4th, on TNT of course. Thanks for the link!
 
I didnt care for Gettysburg. I thought the fake beards looked terrible and some of the fake southern accents were rediculous especially Gen. Lee's. I also didnt like the way they made Lee look like he was insane on the night of the 2nd. I almost got up and left at that point but stuck around to see Picket's Charge. I prefered Gods and Generals and thought Robert Duvall made an excellent Lee.
 

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