New book on the Spanish Civil War (1 Viewer)

john williams

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Osprey are set to release a new book on the SCW. It's about the British Battalion in the International Brigades at Jarama and is called They Shall not Pass. Looks like it might be interesting. Here's a blog from their website…

Over thirty-five thousand volunteers from fifty-two countries fought in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. Two thousand five hundred of them were British. Whilst a handful of pioneers fought in units of mixed nationality in the opening months, the first British Battalion was formed in December 1936. The volunteers were an eclectic mix. Communists rubbed shoulders with socialists, republicans, adventurers and anti-fascists. Labourers and miners mixed with actors, writers, intellectuals and idealists. A handful were veterans of the Great War. Others had gained military experience in the Officer Training Corps or Territorial Army. Most, however, had never fired a rifle in anger in their lives.

After an initial assessment in the offices of the Communist Party of Great Britain, those that were accepted travelled by ferry to Dieppe, across France to the Spanish border at Perpignan and through a multifaceted Republican Spain. Catalonia was a blur of cheering crowds, Valencia was more subdued and Albacete, the sorting centre for the International Brigades, was chaotic. The British volunteers' final destination, the village of Madrigueras in Murcia, was inhabited by impoverished peasants who eked out a living on the windswept plains. After a few weeks of training, the battalion, six hundred strong and divided into four companies, was thrown into the battle of Jarama, a fascist offensive aimed at cutting Madrid's sole remaining lifeline, the Valencia Road. It would be the bloodiest encounter of the conflict so far, the like of which had not been seen in Europe since the Great War.

On the morning of the 12 February 1937, the volunteers, led by Captain Tom Wintringham, a Balliol graduate and Daily Worker journalist, left their forward base, an abandoned villa dubbed the cookhouse, crossed a plateau and advanced through well ordered olive groves. The men were in high spirits. They sang and joked as they marched. At midday the three rifle companies got their first sight of the enemy, Moroccan mercenaries and Franco's elite Foreign Legion. As per Wintringham's orders, they spread out over a line of low hills. For the next five hours the enemy infantry outflanked them, German machine guns swept their lines, Italian fighters strafed them and the nationalist artillery made the hilltops a living hell. There was little cover and the men were hopelessly exposed. One hundred were killed before the survivors withdrew to the second line at 5pm. Kit Conway, an IRA veteran of the Four Courts, was hit in the guts by a burst of heavy machine-gun fire. Tom Spiller's section were blown to smithereens and Clem Beckett, a speedway champion and pioneer of the Wall of Death, was killed by Moroccan Regulares hurling grenades whilst he was covering the retreat.

By dusk, the nationalists believed victory was theirs. The enemy on the hills had been routed and the second line appeared to consist of nothing more than a few dozen riflemen. Captain León of the 7th Tabor of Melilla formed his men up and ordered them to advance. Five hundred yards across the valley, Harry Fry, the Edinburgh born commander of the British machine gun company, was waiting for them. Despite a frustrating day, caused by a mix up of ammunition, his eight Maxims were finally ready. As León's Moors charged, Fry ordered his men to open fire. The guns cut them down in swathes. It was to be the last act of the opening day. Of the five hundred volunteers who had advanced through the groves six hours before, less than half remained.

The next morning, after a feverish night of false alarms and intermittent firing, a strange calm settled over the battlefield. Basking in the spring sunshine, the volunteers' thoughts turned to home. Wintringham pictured his wife and children and James Maley realised that if he were still in Glasgow he would have been going to watch Celtic at Parkhead that afternoon. By midday the firing had begun again and by the middle of the afternoon, the British lines were under heavy artillery bombardment. The increasing pressure took its toll. When a shell splinter wounded two of his men, Bert Overton, the ex-Welsh Guardsman commanding the 4th Company, fled his post on the right flank. The gap in the line was exploited by the legionaries of the 6th Bandera. Using the dead ground, they got behind Harry Fry's machine gun company. Before the Scot realised what was going on his position had been overrun. Twenty-seven of his men were taken prisoner. The rest were killed by grenades, bayonets and rifle butts in the first frantic moments of the assault. Minutes later Wintringham led a counter-attack from his reserve position in the Sunken Road. It was repulsed by a hail of fire. Twenty men died and dozens more were wounded. Wintringham was shot through the thigh and stretchered from the line.

That evening the situation in the British line was chaotic. Exhausted after a second sleepless night, the men began to imagine Moors coming at them out of the dark. When a Very light touched off the battalion's ammunition stores, Overton panicked again and ran to the rear. Half of the one hundred men remaining fled with him. The Battalion's Political Commissar, George Aitken, tried to hold the rest together, but his efforts were in vain. It was only at dawn on the third day with the arrival of Jock Cunningham, a charismatic Glaswegian who had fought in some of the earliest battles of the war, that the remaining officers managed to re-establish the line.

On the 14 February the fascists launched an offensive spearheaded by captured Russian T26 tanks. Rolling up from the left flank, their cannon and machine guns killed dozens and routed the rest. The nationalist infantry then swarmed into the Sunken Road and finished off the wounded. Back at the cookhouse all seemed lost. The survivors crammed into trucks and sped from the scene. Others followed on foot. Threatening them with pistols, their commissars tried to force them back into the fight. Once more it fell to Cunningham to take control. Within an hour, he had managed to rally a few dozen men. That night they marched back to the front singing the Internationale. Their numbers were swelled by stragglers as they advanced. In the fire-fight that followed, the fascists were caught by surprise. By dawn the British had retaken their old positions. The Valencia road remained open and the frontline would not significantly change for the rest of the war.
Following its baptism of fire, the British Battalion took part in several other key engagements. At Brunette, André Diamant, an Anglo Egyptian who had led the 1st Company at Jarama after Conway's death, was hit in the thigh by a bomb splinter. In the Aragon offensive, Harry Fry, who had been released by the fascists and had subsequently rejoined the battalion, was killed whilst leading his men into the attack. Five weeks later Jimmy Rutherford, another veteran of the machine gun company, who had been captured by the Spanish and then released after Jarama, was recaptured when Italian tanks ambushed the British at Calaceite. This time there would be no reprieve. The young Londoner was recognised by his interrogators and executed by firing squad.

After one last offensive at the Ebro in the summer of 1938, the International Brigades were disbanded and the British survivors returned home. Readjusting to civilian life proved difficult. John 'Bosco' Jones was a mass of nerves, Jason Gurney's career as a sculptor had been cut short by an explosive bullet and Walter Gregory had to face the mother of a comrade he had buried at the battle of Teruel. Ten months later the Second World War began. Although they had valuable experience, many of the veterans were not allowed to take part. Jock Cunningham was dismissed by the British Army as a 'Red' who could not be trusted, George Leeson's applications were simply ignored and Sam Wild was not even permitted to become an Air Raid Warden. Many of those who applied to the Royal Navy or Royal Air Force, on the other hand, were allowed to join up. Some, such as Albert Charlesworth, a metal polisher from Oldham, and David Crook, a former brigadier turned Soviet spy, served with distinction. Back in Britain, Captain Tom Wintringham found another way to contribute to the war effort. Setting up a guerrilla warfare school at Osterley Park, he helped train the Volunteer Defence Force, the predecessor of the Home Guard.

For many of the veterans the post war years were a period of disillusionment and depression. Following such coldly calculating examples of real politick as the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the Soviet occupation of Hungary, the majority came to believe that the Communist Party had betrayed them. Throughout the fifties they left the organization in their droves. The ghosts of Jarama tortured others into an early grave. Giles Romilly took an overdose of pills in a lonely hotel room in America, Wintringham died of a heart attack at the age of fifty-one and Jock Cunningham ended his days as an anonymous figure tramping the streets of Britain. Nevertheless, the vast majority still believed they had made the right decision in going to Spain. As one would later write, 'you have to believe in something, in a cause that will make the world a better place, or you have wasted your life.' With the seventy-fifth anniversary of the battle approaching, the story of these men is fading into obscurity. They Shall not Pass! aims to cast a light on their actions and redress this imbalance.
 
Thanks to some help from Brad (Jazzeum) on the history, I had actually written the battle of Jarama into my novel. The villian in the second half of the novel is Arturo Sanchez, a spanish fascist journalist working for the Abwehr in London (kind of an anti-Garbo). One of the main characters, Royal Marine Commando Andy Neilson, tells of his experiences at Jarama:

January 15, 1944, My Office, Thomas More Building, Royal Courts of Justice, London. Our two teams, Rick and Janice and Andy and Laura, had been staking out Arturo Sanchez now for nine days. Other than tailing Kay Summersby, Sanchez’s London revolved around three locations: a tiny flat at 27 Bramley Road, North Kensington, the Station House Pub just down the street at 41 Bramley Road, and the London Press Club on Bride Lane.

Andy filled me in on his part of the operation: “Bramley Road is mostly Spanish now, part of the growing Spanish quarter that’s been developing in North Kensington and around Victoria since the end of the Spanish Civil War. The Station House Pub caters to the surrounding Spanish community, serving traditional Spanish dishes like Tapas, Paella, and Arroz con Pollo. Sanchez and his little group – three other men – are not popular in the barrio. Being employees of the fascist press, they don’t mingle comfortably with the Republican refugees that make up the majority of the neighborhood. The only reason I can think of for their presence in the Spanish Quarter is keeping tab on the Republican elements for Franco.

Laura and I have been casing the area now for days. It’s like you said, nobody notices a couple. We eat at the local restaurants, have a pint in the neighborhood pubs, shop the local markets. Nobody looks at us twice. We actually sat at the table next to Sanchez and his people yesterday, listened to their whole conversation – they figured they were safe speaking Spanish.”

“Se habla espanol, Andy?”

“Si. I picked it up back in the ‘30’s. I fought in the International Brigade against Franco’s Fascist thugs in the Spanish Civil War. I served with the British and Irish Brigade. I was baptised at Jarama in ’37, when our commander Christopher Caudwell ‘went west,’ along with four hundred-forty of my mates.”
“Jarama?,” I inquired.

“On February 11, 1937, 40,000 of Franco’s Fascists forced a crossing of the Jarama River, attempting to cut off the only open route to Madrid. The British and Irish Brigade was part of the Republican force that tried to stop them. We had dug in as best we could, constructed a few gun positions – little more than sangers built of the peculiar pinkish-gray local stones. From the 11th through the 14th, we Republicans lost 7,000 brave men killed fighting those fascist thugs.
On the 11th, I was manning a .30 caliber Maxim machine gun on the ridge we came to call ‘Suicide Hill.” That day I saw the fiercest combat I’ve ever experienced. First they shelled the hill for three hours to soften us up. Shrapnel whistled everywhere, bits of burning metal mingled with chips of shattered stone, the spent shards covering the ground like autumn leaves. My mates who weren’t dug in below ground, or in one of the stone defensive positions, got blown to hell and gone. Then the bleedin’ eye-tie airforce strafed us with Caprioni fighters. No offense, sir.” “None taken, Andy.”

“Body parts and dead men littered the slope, the stench of death mingling with the perfume of wild thyme on the warm breeze. To this day I can’t abide the smell of thyme. The slightest sniff makes me nauseous.

Then, figuring we had been softened up, their commanders ordered the Moors of the 7th Tabor to advance – a frontal assault into the teeth of our prepared positions. Those of us who survived the hellish bombardment gave it back with interest. Payback’s a *****.

They swept up the slopes like locusts. We fired and fired, but no matter how many we cut down, they just kept coming. They were more afraid of their political officers then they were of us. It looked like we might run out of bullets before Franco ran out of Moors.

Captain Tom Wintringham, who was in charge until Cauldwell arrived the last day, had to order us to pull back to the next ridge, but he and a few of us volunteered to stay and cover the retreat. As the men set up a new defensive line on the ‘sunken road’ between San Martin de la Vega and Morata de Tajuna, we caught those fascist bastards in a cross-fire with our heavy machine guns. We cut them down like wheat at harvest time, until the barrels on our Maxims glowed red and warped from the heat. The Moors finally broke, receding back down the hill like the remnants of a wave. I kept firing at their retreating backs, taking the last full measure of vengeance for my mates, until the firing pin clicked on an empty chamber. I had fired until every last round from every belt of ammunition had been spent. They were no longer men to me, just a means of venting my frustration.
None of us got any sleep that night, between false alarms and the occasional pot shot in the dark. At dawn the fascists started shelling us again. When a shell splinter wounded two men right beside him, Bert Overton, the ex-Welsh Guardsman commanding the 4th Company, fled his post on the right flank. The gap in the line was exploited by the legionaries of the 6th Bandera. Advancing through dead ground, they got behind Harry Fry's machine gun company. The fascists overran the Scot’s machine-gunners. Most of the crews were killed by grenades, bayonets and rifle butts in the first frantic moments of the assault. Only twenty-seven of his men were taken prisoner.

Captain Wintringham led a futile counter-attack from his reserve position in the Sunken Road. The Fascists turned the captured machine guns and greeted them with a hail of fire. Twenty men died and dozens more were wounded. They still might have made it, but the counter attack collapsed when Wintringham was shot through the thigh.

We were bloody exhausted that second sleepless night, and began to imagine Moors coming at us out of the dark. Some idiot fired a Very light over the battalion's ammunition stores, and the flare touched off an explosion. That useless Welshman Overton panicked again and buggered off. Half of the remaining men fled with him. The Battalion's Political Commissar, George Aitken, tried to hold the rest together. Not bloody likely. It was only at dawn on the third day with the arrival of the Brigade’s commander, Jock Cunningham, that the line was re-established.
That morning, the fascists hit us with armor - captured Russian T26 tanks. Rolling up from the left flank, their cannon and machine guns killed dozens and we broke. Those that could crammed into a few trucks, the rest of us had to hoof it. Only one hundred-sixty exhausted survivors out of six hundred men in my brigade lived to fall back, trudging away past the village of Morata de Tajuna. There was no way for us to carry away our honored dead. Those of us in the rearguard could see the bastard fascists already desecrating the bodies of our comrades: bayoneting the wounded, cutting the noses and ears off the dead. Threatening us with pistols, the commissars tried to force us back into the fight. Once more Cunningham seized control. Within an hour, he had managed to rally a few dozen men. That night we marched back to the front singing the Internationale. Stragglers swelled our ranks as we advanced.

We counterattacked that night. The fascists, too busy desecrating corpses, stripping bodies and celebrating their “victory,” were totally caught by surprise. Quarter was out of the question. By the grace of bullets, bayonets and rifle butts, as dawn broke we had retaken our old positions. The Valencia road remained open. Madrid would not be cut off.

We had held our ground, but there was no celebration. The handful of us who survived the battle found Caudwell’s corpse laying over the still smoking barrel of a Vickers. A Mauser bullet had caught him right through the throat. Caudwell had courageously kept firing as he choked to death on his own blood.

The brutality and hatred had dehumanized us all. There was no honor left for the men who fought on either side. That day in Jarama will be with me to my dying day. I will always hate Franco and his fascist animals.”
 
Hi Louis,

A very interesting idea you're working on, but there are a few factual errors in your description of the battle.

1) The British Battalion were not invovled in the Battle of Jarama until the morning of the 12th. Over night on the 11th they moved up from Chinchon and formed up a few miles behind the frontline at dawn on the 12th. They then adavnced and came into contact with the enemy at about midday.
2) Caudwell was not a commander at Jarama. He was a private in a squad in the 3rd company which was manning a Chauchat light machine gun on the 12th. When the 3rd company pulled back at 5pm, Caudwell and Beckett (a very interesting character) went against orders and decided to set up their lmg to hold off the moors and buy their comrades some time to escape. The gun jammed (the chauchat was very unreliable), the moors overran their position and both men were killed.

Hope this helps.
 
Osprey books tend to be a little superficial. I would more readily recommend Carlos Engel's Historia de las Brigadas Mixtas del Ejército Popular de la República. You can get it from Casa del Libro or Abebooks.

This is an interesting little site on British participation, which also includes a link to Caudwell, http://webpages.dcu.ie/~sheehanh/photos/jarama.htm

Although not dealing with Jarama but the Battle for the Casa del Campo, John Sommerfield's book Volunteer in Spain gives you a good idea of the daily life of a soldier. Highly recommended, if you can find it. He dedicated his book to his friend poet John Cornford, who was killed in one of those brutish little battles so typical of the Guerra Civil, the Battle of Lopera.
 
Hi Louis,

A very interesting idea you're working on, but there are a few factual errors in your description of the battle.

1) The British Battalion were not invovled in the Battle of Jarama until the morning of the 12th. Over night on the 11th they moved up from Chinchon and formed up a few miles behind the frontline at dawn on the 12th. They then adavnced and came into contact with the enemy at about midday.
2) Caudwell was not a commander at Jarama. He was a private in a squad in the 3rd company which was manning a Chauchat light machine gun on the 12th. When the 3rd company pulled back at 5pm, Caudwell and Beckett (a very interesting character) went against orders and decided to set up their lmg to hold off the moors and buy their comrades some time to escape. The gun jammed (the chauchat was very unreliable), the moors overran their position and both men were killed.

Hope this helps.

Thanks for the information. :smile2: Its great to be a member of a forum with so many knowledgeable people. I will make a few corrections to the story. :wink2:
 
How's this sound, John:

January 15, 1944, My Office, Thomas More Building, Royal Courts of Justice, London. Our two teams, Rick and Janice and Andy and Laura, had been staking out Arturo Sanchez now for nine days. Other than tailing Kay Summersby, Sanchez’s London revolved around three locations: a tiny flat at 27 Bramley Road, North Kensington, the Station House Pub just down the street at 41 Bramley Road, and the London Press Club on Bride Lane.

Andy filled me in on his part of the operation: “Bramley Road is mostly Spanish now, part of the growing Spanish quarter that’s been developing in North Kensington and around Victoria since the end of the Spanish Civil War. The Station House Pub caters to the surrounding Spanish community, serving traditional Spanish dishes like Tapas, Paella, and Arroz con Pollo. Sanchez and his little group – three other men – are not popular in the barrio. Being employees of the fascist press, they don’t mingle comfortably with the Republican refugees that make up the majority of the neighborhood. The only reason I can think of for their presence in the Spanish Quarter is keeping tab on the Republican elements for Franco.

Laura and I have been casing the area now for days. It’s like you said, nobody notices a couple. We eat at the local restaurants, have a pint in the neighborhood pubs, shop the local markets. Nobody looks at us twice. We actually sat at the table next to Sanchez and his people yesterday, listened to their whole conversation – they figured they were safe speaking Spanish.”
“Se habla espanol, Andy?”

“Si. I picked it up back in the ‘30’s. I fought in the International Brigade against Franco’s Fascist thugs in the Spanish Civil War. I served with the British and Irish Brigade. I was baptised at Jarama in ’37, when my best friend Christopher Caudwell ‘went west,’ along with four hundred-forty of my mates.”
“Jarama?,” I inquired.

“On February 11, 1937, 40,000 of Franco’s Fascists forced a crossing of the Jarama River, attempting to cut off the only open route to Madrid. The British and Irish Brigade was part of the Republican force that tried to stop them. We had dug in as best we could, constructed a few gun positions – little more than sangers built of the peculiar pinkish-gray local stones. From the 11th through the 14th, we Republicans lost 7,000 brave men killed fighting those fascist thugs. We were put in the line on the 12th.

On the 12th, I was manning a .30 caliber Maxim machine gun on the ridge we came to call ‘Suicide Hill.” That day I saw the fiercest combat I’ve ever experienced. First they shelled the hill for three hours to soften us up. Shrapnel whistled everywhere, bits of burning metal mingled with chips of shattered stone, the spent shards covering the ground like autumn leaves. My mates who weren’t dug in below ground, or in one of the stone defensive positions, got blown to hell and gone. Then the bleedin’ eye-tie airforce strafed us with Caprioni fighters. No offense, sir.” “None taken, Andy.”

“Body parts and dead men littered the slope, the stench of death mingling with the perfume of wild thyme on the warm breeze. To this day I can’t abide the smell of thyme. The slightest sniff makes me nauseous.

Then, figuring we had been softened up, their commanders ordered the Moors of the 7th Tabor to advance – a frontal assault into the teeth of our prepared positions. Those of us who survived the hellish bombardment gave it back with interest. Payback’s a *****.

They swept up the slopes like locusts. We fired and fired, but no matter how many we cut down, they just kept coming. They were more afraid of their political officers then they were of us. It looked like we might run out of bullets before Franco ran out of Moors.

Captain Tom Wintringham, who was in charge of our brigade at Jarama, had to order us to pull back to the next ridge, but he and a few of us volunteered to stay and cover the retreat. As the men set up a new defensive line on the ‘sunken road’ between San Martin de la Vega and Morata de Tajuna, we caught those fascist bastards in a cross-fire with our heavy machine guns. We cut them down like wheat at harvest time, until the barrels on our Maxims glowed red and warped from the heat. The Moors finally broke, receding back down the hill like the remnants of a wave. I kept firing at their retreating backs, taking the last full measure of vengeance for my mates, until the firing pin clicked on an empty chamber. I had fired until every last round from every belt of ammunition had been spent. They were no longer men to me, just a means of venting my frustration.

None of us got any sleep that night, between false alarms and the occasional pot shot in the dark. At dawn the fascists started shelling us again. When a shell splinter wounded two men right beside him, Bert Overton, the ex-Welsh Guardsman commanding the 4th Company, fled his post on the right flank. The gap in the line was exploited by the legionaries of the 6th Bandera. Advancing through dead ground, they got behind Harry Fry's machine gun company. The fascists overran the Scot’s machine-gunners. Most of the crews were killed by grenades, bayonets and rifle butts in the first frantic moments of the assault. Only twenty-seven of his men were taken prisoner.

Captain Wintringham led a futile counter-attack from his reserve position in the Sunken Road. The Fascists turned the captured machine guns and greeted them with a hail of fire. Twenty men died and dozens more were wounded. They still might have made it, but the counter attack collapsed when Wintringham was shot through the thigh.

We were bloody exhausted that second sleepless night, and began to imagine Moors coming at us out of the dark. Some idiot fired a Very light over the battalion's ammunition stores, and the flare touched off an explosion. That useless Welshman Overton panicked again and buggered off. Half of the remaining men fled with him. The Battalion's Political Commissar, George Aitken, tried to hold the rest together. Not bloody likely. It was only at dawn on the third day with the arrival of the Brigade’s commander, Jock Cunningham, that the line was re-established.

That morning, the fascists hit us with armor - captured Russian T26 tanks. Rolling up from the left flank, their cannon and machine guns killed dozens and we broke. Those that could crammed into a few trucks, the rest of us had to hoof it. Only one hundred-sixty exhausted survivors out of six hundred men in my brigade lived to fall back, trudging away past the village of Morata de Tajuna. There was no way for us to carry away our honored dead. Those of us in the rearguard could see the bastard fascists already desecrating the bodies of our comrades: bayoneting the wounded, cutting the noses and ears off the dead. Threatening us with pistols, the commissars tried to force us back into the fight. Once more Cunningham seized control. Within an hour, he had managed to rally a few dozen men. That night we marched back to the front singing the Internationale. Stragglers swelled our ranks as we advanced.

We counterattacked in the dark. The fascists, too busy desecrating corpses, stripping bodies and celebrating their “victory,” were totally caught by surprise. Quarter was out of the question. By the grace of bullets, bayonets and rifle butts, as dawn broke we had retaken our old positions. The Valencia road remained open. Madrid would not be cut off.

We had held our ground, but there was no celebration. With a handful of other survivors I found Caudwell’s corpse laying over the still smoking barrel of his Chauchat. The bloody frog light machine gun jammed – all it takes is a bit of dirt in the crescent cut out in the magazine. While he struggled to clear it, a Mauser bullet had caught him right through the throat. Caudwell choked to death on his own blood.

The brutality and hatred had dehumanized us all. There was no honor left for the men who fought on either side. That day in Jarama will be with me to my dying day. I will always hate Franco and his fascist animals.”
 
Osprey books tend to be a little superficial. I would more readily recommend Carlos Engel's Historia de las Brigadas Mixtas del Ejército Popular de la República. You can get it from Casa del Libro or Abebooks.

This is an interesting little site on British participation, which also includes a link to Caudwell, http://webpages.dcu.ie/~sheehanh/photos/jarama.htm

Although not dealing with Jarama but the Battle for the Casa del Campo, John Sommerfield's book Volunteer in Spain gives you a good idea of the daily life of a soldier. Highly recommended, if you can find it. He dedicated his book to his friend poet John Cornford, who was killed in one of those brutish little battles so typical of the Guerra Civil, the Battle of Lopera.
There are currently 5 copies of Sommerfield's book listed at US dealers on Abebooks. 4 others listed overseas. -- Al
 
Osprey books tend to be a little superficial.

True for their series books, but this is a general military title. 288 pages focussing on the British Battalion over three days at the battle of Jarama. It's written from original research done in archives in London, Manchester, Madrid, Avila and Moscow and is definitely not superficial.
 
True for their series books, but this is a general military title. 288 pages focussing on the British Battalion over three days at the battle of Jarama. It's written from original research done in archives in London, Manchester, Madrid, Avila and Moscow and is definitely not superficial.

I'll have to take a look at it to determine the quality of the research.
 
True for their series books, but this is a general military title. 288 pages focussing on the British Battalion over three days at the battle of Jarama. It's written from original research done in archives in London, Manchester, Madrid, Avila and Moscow and is definitely not superficial.

Do you have an ISBN number. I am having difficulty tracking it down on Amazon.co.uk
Thanks
 
It's not out yet. According to the Osprey website, not until July.

The ISBN number is 9781849085496.

It covers more than the Jarama.

Couldn't find anything on Osprey indicating where it was researched, etc.
 
Your being the author puts on a different spin on things :)

What are you favorite books on the SCW? Assume you're fluent in Spanish.

I'm sure it must have been interesting to write and research.
 
Your being the author puts on a different spin on things :)

What are you favorite books on the SCW? Assume you're fluent in Spanish.

I'm sure it must have been interesting to write and research.

It was fascinating to research. The amount of first hand source material covering a period of three days is extraordinary. The highlight was my trip to the comintern archive in Moscow. It was during the ash cloud panic and so I got to stay longer than I had expected. The quantity and detail of the records was astounding and the official paranoia they revealed was frightening - a real insight into the Stalinist thought process. The archive holds particularly exhaustive reports on the German volunteers - presumably because the Russians knew that Hitler was the biggest threat to communism. Unfortunately as I don't speak German or Russian the exact contents of these documents remains a mystery to me.

I do speak Spanish, having lived in Colombia and Chile for several years, but my favourite book on the SCW has to be Jason Gurney's Crusade in Spain. If you haven't read it (which I suspect you have), I advise you to give it a go - it's fairly easy to get hold of and is a very personal and honest account of an Anglo-South African volunteer's experience of the war. It is also very well written - a rarity amongst soldier's memoirs.
 
It was fascinating to research. The amount of first hand source material covering a period of three days is extraordinary. The highlight was my trip to the comintern archive in Moscow. It was during the ash cloud panic and so I got to stay longer than I had expected. The quantity and detail of the records was astounding and the official paranoia they revealed was frightening - a real insight into the Stalinist thought process. The archive holds particularly exhaustive reports on the German volunteers - presumably because the Russians knew that Hitler was the biggest threat to communism. Unfortunately as I don't speak German or Russian the exact contents of these documents remains a mystery to me.

I do speak Spanish, having lived in Colombia and Chile for several years, but my favourite book on the SCW has to be Jason Gurney's Crusade in Spain. If you haven't read it (which I suspect you have), I advise you to give it a go - it's fairly easy to get hold of and is a very personal and honest account of an Anglo-South African volunteer's experience of the war. It is also very well written - a rarity amongst soldier's memoirs.

Was there a South African fighting for the Republicans. That is interesting. The only one I knew about was Roy Campbell who helped the Nationalists.
 
Was there a South African fighting for the Republicans. That is interesting. The only one I knew about was Roy Campbell who helped the Nationalists.

Jason Gurney was born in Norfolk, England but his family moved to South Africa while he was still a boy. He finished his education there then returned to Europe, where he worked for the Norwegian whaling fleet and studied art at the Académie Colarossi in Paris, before moving to the King's Road in Chelsea, London (a bohemian neighbourhood at the time). He then worked as a sculptor for a few years before joining the International Brigades.

Although the above bio. suggests that he was more English than SA, as Wintringham (the captain of the British Battalion at Jarama) referred to him as 'South African' in his memoir (p.148 of English Captain), it seems his comrades considered him to be so.
 

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